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Neocolonialism, neo-colonialism or neo-imperialism is the practice of using capitalism, globalization and cultural imperialism to influence developing countries as a direct replacement of military control (imperialism ) or indirect political control (hegemony). It was created by Kwame Nkrumah in the context of African countries that decolonized in the 1960s. Neo-colonialism was also discussed in the works of Western thinkers such as Jean-Paul Sartre ( Colonialism and Neo-colonialism, 1964) and Noam Chomsky (The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism) , 1979).


Video Neocolonialism



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Origins

Neocolonialism labeled the economic and cultural relations of European countries with their former colonies, African countries that had been released after the Second World War. Kwame Nkrumah, former president of Ghana (1960-1966), coined the term, which appeared at the opening of the 1963 African Union Charter Organization, and is the title of his 1965 book Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism (1965 ). Nkrumah was theoretically developed and extended to the post-War of the 20th century of socio-economic and political arguments presented by Lenin in the pamphlet of Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917). This pamphlet framed nineteenth-century imperialism as a logical extension of geopolitical forces, to meet the financial investment needs of the political economy of capitalism. In Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism , Kwame Nkrumah writes:

In place of colonialism, as the main instrument of imperialism, we now have neo-colonialism... like colonialism, is an attempt to export social conflicts from capitalist countries....

The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for exploitation rather than for the development of less developed parts of the world. Investment, under neo-colonialism, increases, not decreases, the gap between rich and poor countries in the world. The struggle against neo-colonialism is not intended to isolate the capital of developed countries to operate in less developed countries. It aims to prevent the financial power of developed countries from being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.

Nonblock world

Neocolonialism was used to describe the types of foreign intervention in countries belonging to the Pan-African movement, as well as the Bandung Conference (Asian-African Conference, 1955), which led to the Non-Aligned Movement (1961). Neocolonialism was formally defined by the All-African Peoples Conference (AAPC) and published in the Resolution on Neo-colonialism. At the Tunis conference (1960) and Cairo conference (1961), the AAPC described the actions of the French Community from independent countries, organized by France, as neocolonial.

During the decades of the Cold War, the Non-Aligned Movement and Solidarity Organizations with Asian, African and Latin American Peoples defined neo-colonialism as the main and collective enemy of the economies and cultures of their respective countries. Moreover, neo-colonialism is integrated into the ideology of national liberation of Marxist guerrilla forces. During the 1970s, in the Portuguese colonies of Africa Mozambique and Angola, after taking over the power of government, the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO, Frente de LibertaÃÆ'§ÃÆ' o de MoÃÆ'§ambique), and the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola - - The Labor Party (MPLA, Movimento Popular de LibertaÃÆ'§ÃÆ' £ o de Angola - Partido do Trabalho), respectively, established a policy against the neo-colonial treaties with the (former) colonial state. FranÃÆ'§afrique

A representative example of European neo-colonialism is Francoïafririque, "French Africa" ​​formed by the continued close relationship between France and its African colonies. In 1955, the earliest use of the term "French Africa", by President FÃÆ' Â © lix HouphouÃÆ' Â «t-Boigny of Cote d'Ivoire, symbolizes positive Franco-African social, cultural and economic relations. It was then applied by criticism of neocolonialism to describe the unequal international relations. Politician Jacques Foccart, the main adviser for African affairs to the French president Charles de Gaulle (1958-69) and Georges Pompidou (1969-1974), were the main supporters of FranÃÆ'§afrique . Verschave and Beti's works report a forty-year post-independence relationship with a former French colony, featuring in-situ colonial garrisons and monopolies by French multinational corporations, usually for the exploitation of mineral resources. It is said that African leaders with close ties to France - especially during the Soviet-American Cold War (1945-91) - acted more as French business agents and geopolitical interests, rather than as national leaders of sovereign states. The examples quoted are Omar Bongo (Gabon), FÃÆ'Ã… © lix HouphouÃÆ' Â «t-Boigny (Cote d'Ivoire), GnassingbÃÆ' © EyadÃÆ'Â © ma (Togo), Denis Sassou-Nguesso (Republic of Congo), Idriss DÃÆ'Â © by (Chad), and Hamani Diori (Niger).

Belgian Congo

After the decolonization of the Belgian Congo, Belgium continued to control, through Socià © à © tà © Ã… © gale de Belgique, approximately 70% of the Congolese economy followed the decolonization process. The most contested part is in the province of Katanga where the Union MiniÃÆ'¨re du Haut Katanga, part of the SociÃÆ' © tÃÆ' ©, controls the province rich in mineral resources. After a failed attempt to nationalize the mining industry in the 1960s, it reopened for foreign investment.

Maps Neocolonialism



The dominance of neo-colonial economy

In 1961, on the economic mechanism of neo-colonial control, in Cuban speech: Historical Exception or Vanguard in the Anti-Colonial Struggle? , Argentine revolutionary ChÃÆ'Â © Guevara says:

We, politely referred to as "backward", in fact, are colonial, semi-colonial or dependent states. We are countries whose economies have been distorted by imperialism, which abnormally develops the industrial or agricultural branches necessary to supplement its complex economy. "Backwardness", or distorted development, brings dangerous specialization in raw materials, which is inherently a threat of hunger for all our nations. We, the "backward", also those who have a single harvest, single product, single market. A single product whose sales are uncertain depends on a market that forces and improves conditions. It is a great formula for imperialist economic dominance.

Theory of Dependency

The theory of dependence is the theoretical picture of economic neocolonialism. It proposes that the global economic system consists of rich countries in the center, and poor countries on the periphery. Economic neocolonialism extracts human and natural resources from poor countries to flow into the economies of rich countries. He claims that the poverty of the periphery countries is the result of how they are integrated into the global economic system. The theory of dependence stems from the Marxist analysis of economic inequality in the world economic system, thus, under the development of periphery is a direct result of development at the center. This includes the late 19th century semi-colonial concept. This contrasts the Marxist perspective of the Theory of Colonial Addiction with capitalist economy. The latter proposes that poverty is a developmental stage in the progress of poor countries toward full integration in the global economic system. Proponents of the Theory of Addiction, such as the Venezuelan historian Federico Brito Figueroa, who investigated the socioeconomic basics of neo-colonial dependence, influenced the thought of former Venezuelan President Hugo ChÃÆ'Âvevez.

Cold War

During the mid-20th century, during ideological conflicts between the US and the US, each of its satellite states and countries accused each other of practicing neocolonialism in their imperial and hegemonic pursuits. The struggles include proxy warfare, which is championed by client countries in the decolonized countries. Cuba, the Warsaw Pact block, Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser (1956-70), et al. Accuses the US of sponsoring an anti-democratic government that does not reflect the interests of its people and overthrow the elected government (Africa, Asia, Latin America) that does not support US geopolitical interests.

In the 1960s, under the leadership of Chairman Mehdi Ben Barka, the Cuban Tricontinental Conference (Solidarity Organization with the Peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America) acknowledged and supported the validity of revolutionary anti-colonialism as a means for colonized peoples of the Third World to achieve self-determination, which policy angers the US and France. In addition, Chairman Barka heads the Commission of Neocolonialism, which deals with work to resolve the involvement of neo-colonial colonialism in the decolonized areas; and said that the United States, as the world's leading capitalist state, in practice, the main neocolonialist political actor.

Multinational companies

Critics of neocolonialism also argue that investment by multinationals enriches little in underdeveloped countries and causes human, environmental and ecological damage to their populations. They argue that this results in unsustainable development and perpetual backwardness. These countries remain cheap labor reserves and raw materials, while restricting access to advanced production techniques to develop their own economies. In some countries, the privatization of natural resources, while initially leading to an influx of investments, is often followed by increased unemployment, poverty and declining per capita income.

In West African countries in Guinea-Bissau, Senegal and Mauritania, fishing is historically important for the economy. Beginning in 1979, the EU began negotiating contracts with the government for fisheries off the coast of West Africa. Commercial, unsustainable, over-fishing by foreign fleets plays an important role in large-scale unemployment and migration of people across the region. This violates the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which recognizes the importance of fishing for local communities and asserts that government fishing agreements with foreign companies should only target share surpluses.

International loan

To alleviate the impact of neocolonialism, American economist Jeffrey Sachs recommended that all African debt (about 200 billion dollars) be dismissed, and recommend that African countries not repay the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF):

The time has come to end this charade. The debt is not affordable. If they do not cancel the debt, I would suggest a snag; you do it, yourself. Africa should say: "Thank you very much, but we need this money to meet the needs of dying children, now, so, we will place debt-payment payments into urgent social investments in the areas of health, education, drinking water, AIDS, and other needs ".

Sino-African relations and Chinese neocolonialism

Historically, China and Somalia have strong trade ties. Giraffes, zebras and incense are exported to the Ming Empire from China, which establishes Somali traders as leaders in trade between Asia and Africa. The People's Republic of China has built a stronger relationship with African countries, becoming Africa's biggest trading partner. In August 2007, an estimated 750,000 Chinese people worked or lived for a long time in Africa. China buys natural resources - oil and minerals - to drive the Chinese economy and finance international business firms. In 2006, two-way trade has increased to $ 50 billion to $ 500 billion by 2016.

In 2007, China and the Democratic Republic of Congo entered into an agreement under which Chinese state-owned companies will provide various services (infrastructure projects) in exchange for the equivalent amount of Congolese copper. Although China invests large sums of money in Africa and Asia, some authors state that this strategy includes some characteristics of neo-colonialism, whose goal may be to ensure China's hegemony in Asia and Africa.

South Korean land acquisition

To ensure a reliable long-term supply of food, the South Korean government and powerful Korean multinationals buy agricultural rights for millions of hectares of agricultural land in underdeveloped countries.

CEO of Asset Management RG Energy Resources South Korea Park Yong-soo stressed that "this nation does not produce a drop of crude oil and other key minerals industry.In order to drive economic growth and support people's livelihoods, we can not stress too much that securing natural resources overseas is a necessity for our future survival. "The head of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Jacques Diouf, stated that the increase in land deals could create a form of" neocolonialism ", with poor countries producing food for the rich at the expense of their own hungry people.

In 2008, South Korean multinational Daewoo Logistics gained 1.3 million hectares of agricultural land in Madagascar to grow corn and crops for biofuels. About half of the country's fertile soils, as well as rain forests will be converted to monoculture of oil palm and corn, producing food for export from countries where one-third of the population and 50 percent of children under 5 years of malnutrition use South African workers As a replacement. local people. Locals are not consulted or informed, though dependent on land for food and income. The controversial deal plays a major role in prolonged anti-government protests that result in more than a hundred deaths. This is the source of popular hatred that led to the fall of President Marc Ravalomanana. The new president, Andry Rajoelina, canceled the deal. Tanzania then announced that South Korea is in talks to develop 100,000 hectares for food production and processing for 700 to 800 billion won. Scheduled to be completed in 2010, it becomes the largest part of South Korea's overseas agricultural infrastructure ever built.

In 2009, Hyundai Heavy Industries acquired a majority stake in a company cultivating 10,000 hectares of agricultural land in the Russian Far East and the South Korean provincial government secured 95,000 hectares of agricultural land in Oriental Mindoro, central Philippines, to grow corn. South Jeolla Province became the first provincial government to benefit from a new central government fund to develop overseas farms, receiving a loan of $ 1.9 million. The project is expected to produce 10,000 tonnes of feed in the first year. South Korean multinationals and provincial governments are buying land in Sulawesi, Indonesia, Cambodia and Bulgan, Mongolia. The South Korean government announced its intention to invest 30 billion won on land in Paraguay and Uruguay. In 2009 discussions with Laos, Myanmar and Senegal were underway.

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Other approach

Although the concept of neocolonialism was originally developed within the Marxist theoretical framework and generally used by left politics, the term "neocolonialism" is found in other theoretical frameworks.

Coloniality

"Coloniality" claims that knowledge production is heavily influenced by the context of people who produce knowledge and that this has further undermined developing countries with limited knowledge production infrastructure. It originated among the critics of subaltern theory, who, although very de-colonial, was less concerned with the source of knowledge.

Cultural theory

One variant of the theory of neocolonialism criticizes the culture of colonialism, the desire of rich countries to control the values ​​and perceptions of other nations through cultural means such as media, language, education and religion, ultimately for economic reasons. One such impact is the "colonial mentality", the inferiority that leads the post-colonial society to relate the physical and cultural differences between strangers and themselves. Foreign ways become more valued than indigenous ways. Given that colonists and colonists in general come from different races, colonized groups may from time to time argue that race occupiers are responsible for their superiority. The rejection of colonial culture, such as the Negrit movement, has been used to overcome this association. Post-colonial imports or the continuation of customs or cultural elements can be regarded as a form of neocolonialism.

Postcolonialism

Post-colonial theories in philosophy, political science, literature and film relate to the cultural heritage of the colonial administration. Post-colonial studies examine how colonized authors articulate their national identity; how knowledge of the colonized is produced and applied in serving the interests of the invaders; and how colonialist literature justifies colonialism by presenting those who are colonized as inferior to which their society, culture and economy must be managed for them. Post-colonial studies incorporate subaltern studies of "history from below"; post-colonial cultural evolution; psychopathology of colonization (by Frantz Fanon); and movie-making cinemas like Third Cuban Theaters, e.g. TomÃÆ'¡s GutiÃÆ' Â © rrez Alea, and Kidlat Tahimik.

Critical theory

The critique of postcolonialism/neocolonialism is evident in literary theory. International relations theory defines "postcolonialism" as a field of study. While the lasting effects of cultural colonialism are of primary importance. The intellectual antecedent in the cultural critique of neocolonialism is economic. Critical international relations theory refers to neocolonialism from Marxist positions and postpositivist positions, including postmodernist, postcolonial and feminist approaches. This differs from realism and liberalism in their epistemological and ontological premises. The neo-liberalist approach tends to describe the forms of modern colonialism as a benevolent imperialism.

Conservation and neocolonialism

Source of the article : Wikipedia

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